Spring 2005 Program
9:30 a.m. - Coffee and tea
Morning session (Lowens papers)
10 a.m. - Karen Cook, Peabody Conservatory: "Mysterious Morales:
Why is He Virtually Unknown?"
10:30 a.m. - Allison Robbins, University of Virginia: "Henry Ford
and the Mass Production of Old Time Music and Dance."
11 a.m. - Bryan Wright, William and Mary: "Makin' Glory: 'Cile
Turner's Contribution to the Preservation and Development of African-American
11:45 - 1 p.m. - Lunch
1 p.m. - Performance followed by Business Meeting
2 p.m. - Stuart Cheney, "Transcriptions for Solo Viol of the Music
of Jean-Baptiste Lully"
2:30 p.m. - Katherine Preston, "Confronting the Stereotypes, Confounding
Cultural Hierarchy: An Unexplored Web of American Musical Life, 1876-1880"
3 p.m. - Samuel Schmitt, "The Paston Manuscripts as a Window on
the English Recusant Community"
Karen Cook, Peabody Conservatory: "Mysterious
Morales: Why is He
Early 16th-century Spain was a tumultuous era, one that coincided with
the life of composer Cristobal de Morales. Born close to 1500, little
is known of his early years except that he declared himself a native
of Seville. Morales was a prolific composer of sacred music; among his
most well-known compositions are two books of Masses, 88 motets, and
8 Magnificats. He was revered during his lifetime as a master composer,
and as late as the mid-18th century he was still understood as one of
the most influential composers in music history. Only he was placed
alongside of the famed Josquin des Prez in compilations and treatises.
Several important questions are raised by these statements. Why was
Morales, unlike other Spanish composers, considered to be so important?
Why is he so closely linked with Josquin? And why is it Morales, and
not other Spanish composers like Victoria, who fades from history? The
answers to these questions lie in his use of the widely practiced compositional
technique of borrowing. Two of Morales' compositions will be specifically
discussed: his Missa 'Mille regretz' and his setting of the antiphon
'Salve Regina.' This paper will argue three things: that Morales borrowed
from Josquin; that he did so not out of purely musical interest but
also had political and religious motives; and that his use of imitation
as it relates to non-Spanish composers such as Josquin may be the reason
why Morales remains a figure in the shadows.
Allison Robbins, University of Virginia: "Henry
Ford and the Mass Production of Old Time Music and Dance."
This paper explores issues of standardization and the construction of
Anglo-American identity in the early 20th century by examining Henry
Ford's revival of "old time" music and dance. In 1926, Ford
published a manual outlining nineteenth century social dances, distributed
recordings of his personal dance band, and sponsored "old time"
fiddling contests across the United States. He publicly stated that
he was reintroducing the music and dance of his youth to teach America's
public good manners; however, Richard Peterson (1996) places the revival
within "a well established movement to preserve and propagate pure
Anglo-Saxon musical forms," a movement that was guided by "ideological
choices" rather than accurate representations of the past. Peterson
points to several ideologies guiding the revival - namely Ford's xenophobia
and industrial philosophy - but leaves their implications largely unexplored.
I examine how Ford's antisemitism and mass production philosophy shaped
the revival. Ford attempted to standardize nineteenth century entertainment
by specifying the movements of vague dance calls and providing "standardized"
piano arrangements of fiddle tunes to accompany the dances. While providing
explicit directions for proper social dancing, Ford also criticizes
the music and dance of modern dance halls. These comments parallel articles
in Ford's paper the Dearborn Independent, which explictly label Tin
Pan Alley music as "Jewish Jazz" and accuse Irving Berlin
and other Jewish composers of manufacturing vulgar songs to corrupt
Anglo-American culture. Paradoxically, Ford accuses the "Jewish
songtrust" of employing the mass production concepts that he himself
relied on to construct his old time revival.
Bryan Wright, William and Mary: "Makin' Glory:
'Cile Turner's Contribution to the Preservation and Development of African-American
Lucille ('Cile) Turner, a young singer from southern Virginia, became
fascinated with African-American music while attending the New England
Conservatory of Music in the mid-1910s There she attracted attention
by singing of African-American songs she had learned as a child from
workers on her parents' farm. By the 1920s, she was touring the Eastern
United States giving programs of "Songs From The South," later
hosting a popular weekly fifteen-minute radio program on NBC's coast-to-coast
network. What began as a hobby for Turner evolved into a full-time profession
for the next forty years as she traveled through the South collecting
African-American songs and stories to present on radio, records, live
performances, and later on her own syndicated television show. Turner
believed that she could contribute to the public good by documenting
what she saw as a vanishing tradition. This study examines her role
as a collector and performer of African-American folk music and as a
participant in the culture of nostalgia-seeking to escape to the "good
old days." Also interesting is her position as a white "Virginia
lady" championing the music of African-Americans in the still-segregated
South, juggling life as a traveling performer with the responsibilities
of raising a family. An unlikely interpreter of African-American music,
Turner attracted racially-mixed audiences in the early twentieth century
that applauded her as one of the music's most convincing and authoritative
performers. Turner adds a new twist to the fascination with African-American
art and music in the Harlem Renaissance.
Stuart Cheney, "Transcriptions for Solo Viol
of the Music of Jean-Baptiste Lully"
A testament to the wide popularity of Jean-Baptiste Lully's music is
the over 400 transcriptions and arrangements of his works for contemporaneous
solo instruments such as lute, guitar, harpsichord, or organ. More such
arrangements have inevitably surfaced since 1981, the year that Herbert
Schneider's catalog of the composer's work (LWV) appeared. Apparently
unknown to Lully's cataloguers at that time were at least fifty transcriptions
and arrangements for solo unaccompanied viol found in twelve manuscripts.
These transcriptions are based primarily on stage works ranging chronologically
from the Ballet de l'Impatience (1661) to Armide and Acis et Galatée
(1686), including selections from eleven of the tragédies lyriques.
They include both vocal works (choruses, airs) and instrumental pieces
(dances, overtures, preludes, marches, ritournelles). All the manuscripts
seem to date from Lully's lifetime and into the first two decades of
the eighteenth century. Thirty-two of the fifty transcriptions are found
in six of the Kassel viol tablatures, an enormous source of arrangements
for viol of French music originally conceived for harpsichord, lute,
and large ensembles; the unfigured bass parts that appear with six of
these pieces were almost certainly added by someone associated with
the compilation of the manuscripts and seem not to derive from the original
bass lines. Besides the Kassel tablatures, three Swedish manuscripts
contain fifteen transcrip tions employing five different viol tunings.
Unlike sources for the arrangements of Lully's music for harpsichord
and lute, none of the sources for the viol transcriptions shows signs
of French provenance. The quality of all the settings varies according
to the manuscript sources and individual pieces: some are sophisticated
and may have been prepared by professional viol players associated with
the courts at Kassel, Stockholm, and elsewhere. The paper discusses
the genres that were transcribed for viol, compares the transcriptions
to the originals, then examines the possible routes of transmission
of the pieces in order to shed light on the reception of Lully's works
outside France, the art of transcription, and the unaccompanied viola
da gamba repertoire in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.
The study derives from my preparation of an edition of these pieces.
Katherine Preston, "Confronting the Stereotypes,
Confounding Cultural Hierarchy: An Unexplored Web of American Musical
American cultural life during the second half of the nineteenth century
was both incredibly complex and astonishingly interconnected. Musicians,
actors, and dancers-independently and in troupes-moved from city to
town, from venue to venue, sometimes from genre to genre with an alacrity
that would astonish most performers and audiences in our modern era
of "niche" marketing. This remarkable and almost completely
forgotten level of fluidity among nineteenth-century performers belies
our 21st-century assumptions about the modernity of a mobile community;
it likewise contradicts the convenient and facile stereotypes we so
readily project onto earlier historical periods. In this paper I will
focus on one small group of musicians active in New York-and very much
elsewhere-during the period 1876 through 1880. These musicians were
members of the Boston Ideal Opera Company, a fairly new itinerant troupe
that would eventually become one of the most popular and longest-lived
English opera companies active in the United States during the last
third of the century. The opera troupe itself-with its decidedly heterogeneous
audiences and its mixed repertory (of old-fashioned English operas,
new-fangled operettas and operas bouffes, and translated new and old
continental operas)-stubbornly resists any attempts to position it retroactively
within a clear-cut late-century cultural hierarchy. The extra-company
activities of the musicians themselves, however, are even more revealing
of the fluidity characteristic of a career on the American musical stage
during this period; these activities are the focus of this paper.
Samuel Schmitt, "The Paston Manuscripts as
a Window on the English Recusant Community"
The music books compiled by the English Catholic gentleman Edward Paston
(1550-1630) form one of the most extensive English manuscript collections
of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The collection
is best known as a source of music by William Byrd; less has been said,
however, about its repertoire of sacred music by continental composers.
An inve stigation of this portion of Paston's collection offers fresh
insight into many of the conclusions concerning the English recusant
community which scholars have drawn exclusively through a study of Byrd's
life and music. The sources and scope of the continental sacred music
in the manuscripts reveal on Paston's part a familiarity with this repertoire
that is remarkable for an Englishman of the time. Although it does not
appear that Paston intended the sacred vocal works in his collection
to be used in a liturgical context, he was conscious of their liturgical
significance. Moreover, the presence of these works in the manuscripts
constitutes an important witness to the continued interest in such music
in Renaissance England at a time when most opportunities for its liturgical
performance were proscribed. Paston's concern for the continuing vitality
of the tradition of Latin-texted sacred music in England was matched
only by William Byrd. Paston and Byrd's shared interest in this tradition
is best understood within the context of the recusant community's relationship
to the Jesuit order in England, which in turn links them to the larger